LETTER FROM LORD BRYCE

Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 2988, 27 January 1917, Page 10

LETTER FROM LORD BRYCE

HIS VIEWS ON GERMAN CHIMES

AN EXPLANATION

Wβ have received the following letter from Lord Bryce in reference to an. article entitled "We Shall Not Forgot," whioh appeared in The Dominion' of October 6, 1916:— ,

Hindleap, Forcest Row, Sussex,

(To the Editor.)

. . Sir,—An .unknown correspondent iiiTNew Zealand lias just sent me a copy of an article in your.issuo of October 6;' attributing to me certain views regarding the war and. the Germans which have sur- ■" prised him, and Lave surprised me still more, for they are certainly not my views. Your article is evidently based on some- greatly abridged report .of an address delivered by me on October 3. This report has evidently (probably by omitting much of. what I did say) given, however unintentionally, an , ■ entirely wrong impression of the ' "'scope and purport of my remarks, and my judgment regarding the German Government and the war. No one has condemned the Ger- _ nan Government more heartily than I do. Not only do I adhere •-- to the condemnation of its conduct .which is.contained in the report of the "British Committee on Alleged German Outrages" over which I presided, but I should to-dav after the reported crimes of the German Government, culminating in the recent slave-raiding in' Belgium, express my indignation and disgust in even stronger terms than I then used. From ■'the very hcginning of the warrj have urged that we must prosecute it until German militarism has been completely overthrown and its power -* "for.'aggression destroyed. As I have many friends in New ■ Zealand, I do not wish to be mis- ... understood_ by them, .and I trust to your fairness to insert this correction.—l am, faithfullv yours, -. ~ ■■• : BRYCE. . ■ .: ■ November 22, 1916. Our article was based upon'the following cablegram:— London, October 3:—Lord Bryce, ad-, dressing the Congregational Union, said : "we might he compelled to impose severe terms on our enemies, but -urged repression of passion.' He deprecated trade war, because it offered immense oppor- ' tunities for mischief. The chief consideration, in framing peace terms, he said, should be to securo a durable ' .peace. London, October 4—The "Daily Gra.phic" states that Viscount Bryce, who conducted the inquiry into the German atrocities, listened to harrowing evidence, and signed the indictment placing Germany an outcast ' among nations, now talks of not banning the whole nation. The : "Graphic" declares that it is incorrect to charge the_ Allies with hating Germany and . desiring revenge; tliey_merely loathe Germans. The "Graphic" associates Viscount Bryce with Sir John Simon in a pernicious campaign.

Commenting on the above messages, "we stated:—"When Lord Bryco urges us to repress our passion, he appears to forget that there is such a thing as righteous indignation. It is natural, and it is right, that the horrible acts "committed by the Germans on sea and land should arouse.tho most passionate feelings of anger and disgust. We would be as callous as the Germans thorn .selves if our hearts did not quiver with .passion- when we read the ghastly story :of murder, outrago, and wanton destruction contained in the report of the Commission, presided over by Lord Bryce himself, which investigated the German atrocities in France and Belgium. Hero is one of the Commission's findings:—

That in tho-conduct of the war generally innocent cjyilia-s*, both men and women, were murdered in large numbers, women violated, and children murdered.

.The Commission reported that this ■'killing- of non-combatants was done under orders, and as'part of a deliberate plan. , Are wetheii to shake the blood-stained.. hands of these murderers, enrich them by our trade, and take ■them again into fellowship as thoiu'h--the maintenance of the distinction be'tween right and wrong, good and evil, was..a,.trivial matter ?"

LORD BRYCE ON VICTORY.

THE CONDITIONS OF PEACE. „ —The following, report of Lord Bryco's epeech is taken from the London Times" of October 4:—

Bl 'J ce w as the chief speaker at ,-ffie;Autumnal_Asseinbly.-of tho Congregational Union of England-and Wales, .which was contidued at Birmingham yesterday. Tho proceedings opened with a series of addresses, and Lord Bryce, taking as his subject "The .thurch and! International Relations," said:—

I do not propose to speak to you about the war, for the country is practically -unanimous :in holding that it must be prosecuted to victory, a victory so complete as to epen a prospect of enduring peace. What I wish is to ask you to reflect on the grave questions which will arise when we come to make a treaty of peace. I have threo .things to say about-the treaty of peace and the policy to bo followed thereafter. Lot us repress the spirit of hatred. We _are justly indignant at tho way in which the enemy Powers have-waged-war. ■■-Wβ trust "that our victory will warn the world that such methods must, never be resorted to .again, and-that those guilty of them will be jjunished. But is it wise to talk of banning a whole people for all time to come? The German people are under a harsh and tyrannous rule, which has not only deceived and misled them, but silences any protest—and there are those who wish to protest—against its crimes. Somo day, we hope, they will overthrow it, when they have learnt the truth. To indulge revenge will Le to sow tho seed's of future wars. Nations cannot hate one another for ever, and the sooner they cease to do so tho tetter for all of thoin. We must cf course take all proper steps to defend ourselves in future from any dangers that might ai-iso if after the war the enemy countries were to resume anin;sidious. hostility. That is at present no more than a possibility which may never arise.

But the talk we now hear about starting, after peace has been concluded, a new war of trade to follow the war of arms has immense capacities of mischief. Such a trade war would embitter afresh hatreds that ought to be allowed to die, and-it assumes tho continuance of those very things from which we expect our victory to deliver ■us once for all. To prolong hatreds would increase suspicions, would compel the maintenance of enormous armaments, would lead in time to a recurrence of those very calamities from ■which we are suffering. Let us consult reason rather than passion. If severe terms have to bo imposed, let that be ;<jone only so far as is necessary for 'Securing- future'ipeace, not' in the': vindictive spirit which, in perpetuating hatreds,- would end by relighting tho flames of war. In settling the terms of peace, let ub as far as possible- respect tho principles of nationality. Contentment and , tra-a-

quillity are- most to he expected where frontiers follow feelings. Can any international machinery bo created after the war is over whereby the peoples that desire peace can league themselves to restrain aggression ai.d compel a reference of controversies to arbitration or conciliation ? Tho Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary, and the First Lord of tho Admiralty have already expressed the need for somo such machinery, and several groups of thinners have been working out schemes for the purpose. To establish any machinery for preserving peace in the future would be impossible without the cooperation of neutral States, and especially of the greatest of all neutral States. AVo have l-fcon waiting nnd watching to see whether America would, in view of the, immense interests at s.tako, depart from her old policy of complete isolation and bear her part in the efforts for securing a permanent alliance for peace. An influential league for that purpose has already been tornied there. And now two momentous events have happened, on which I dwell because they have been little noticed here. President Wilron delivered four months ago a powerful and luminous speech ir. which 'ho announced that the United States could not stand aloof from a movement in which tho highest interests of manhood were concerned, and that ho felt sure- the people of the United States were prepared to join in any feasible scheme for the prevention of future wars. Two mouths ago Mr. Charles E. Hughes, in accepting his nomination as candidate for tho Presidency by tho Republican Party, declared with no less force and no less sincerity that ho was convinced the time had come for America to unite with the European countries in n well-considered scheme for applying methods of arbitration and conciliation to tho securing of general and permanent peace in the world. Our people, and the statesmen who lead our people, could have no greater encouragement to address themselves, when the time comes, to this enterprise, which they have already pronounced to be necessary. 1 ask your help to bring the matter before the people, and to show them how much we and every nation have to gain by removing the terror and danger of war which has so long hung like a black cloud over.Europe. The churches could do no more truly Christian work. Let not this war have been fought in vain. Let us search for, and try to put into practice, sonio scheme for reducing, and if possible at last for ending, this oldest and. most terrible scourge or mankind. '