South African election

Press, Volume CXIV, Issue 33516, 23 April 1974, Page 14

South African election

When he announced in February’ that there would be a General Election on April 24 — some 18 months ahead of its time — the South African Prime Minister, Mr Vorster, said cryptically that Nationalist policy’ guaranteed that the electorate would at all times maintain its identity. What he meant, presumably, was that the policy of separate development — including more autonomy for the Bantustan areas — would be continued. According to Dr Denis Worrell. who directs the Institute of Social and Economic Research at Rhodes University, the process of transferring powers of government to black South Africans had been “ spectacularly “ successful But he foresaw also that racial discrimination would fade only as social and economic change occurred. The Republic’s political system, in his view, was passing through a critical phase as its oligarchic structures were dismantled and society was slowly being “ deracialised “ Slowly ” is the key word Both the Government party and the Opposition United Party now tacitly accept that there can be no South African solution without the co-operation of the African majority. The United Party can have little expectation of making any effective reduction of the Government’s overwhelming majority in Parliament — 118 seats to 48 held by the Opposition. Nor can the Opposition’s proposals for a system of federation, as yet only vaguely defined, have much more than an appeal on principle. Presumably a federation, if one could be organised, would be based on racial rather than geographical divisions. That might involve years of discussion.

A recent — and hopeful — development is the apparent agreement among the more influential African leaders not to press for early equality of political status with the whites. The Zulu Chief Minister. Chief Buthelezi, has said that he would accept a transition period running into “ generations ”. It was he who, in January, signed a declaration on racial peace with the Transvaal United Party leader, Mr Harry Schwarz, calling for wider economic opportunities for Africans, more consultation across racial lines, and eventually a federal constitution with safeguards for the cultural identity of each group. The United Party must win Afrikaner support before it can hope to end its many years in the political wilderness. The tide may be moving slowly now in that direction: Afrikaans and English-speaking whites alike fear an African bid to win power-sharing by force. Wednesday’s election should not greatly impair the Government’s strength or Mr Vorster’s own authority. The campaign was expected to emphasise, more than anything else, a common desire for peaceful progress towards racial autonomy within some form of political federation. Mr Vorster’s Government, during its next term of office, should have a mandate for the further development, politically and socially, of the African "homelands