Panamanian Politics

Press, Volume CVIII, Issue 31645, 3 April 1968, Page 14

Panamanian Politics

Violence has frequently intruded on politics in the 65-year history of the Republic of Panama. A member of the National Assembly wearing a pistol in his belt is not an unprecedented sight. Nor are there any unusual features in the present efforts to unseat President Marco Robles and to instal Dr Amulfo Arias in office. The two have been bitter political rivals for years. Dr Arias has thrice been deposed from the presidency. Four years ago he was beaten by Mt Robles in what Dr Arias alleges was a rigged election. Mr Robles seemed secure enough while, from among a cluster of political parties, he was able to command a majority in the Assembly. Last November, however, his majority disappeared overnight; and Dr Arias has used his own control of the Assembly to oust his rival. Early last month Dr Arias persuaded the Assembly to vote for the impeachment of Mr Robles for backing his own Finance Minister, Mr David Samudio, as his successor in defiance of the constitution which forbids official support, direct or indirect, of candidates for public office. The constitution also provides that a president may be removed from office for acts of coercion in the electoral processes. Dr Arias asserted that Mr Robles had ignored the constitution on both counts, and that he was conspiring to rig the presidential election, set down for May 12, to secure the success of his nominee. So far Mr Robles has ignored the Assembly’s dismissal vote and the impeachment proceedings, in the expectation that the Supreme Court will invalidate both actions.

Quite simply, Mr Robles is clinging to office behind the power of the National Guard. The commander of the guard, General Vallarino, has said that he cannot accept the Assembly’s dismissal of Mr Robles as valid and must await a Supreme Court pronouncement In the meantime, the Assembly has appointed a new president, Mr Max Delvalle, presumably Dr Arias’s nominee, to hold office in the confident assumption that Dr Arias would himself be legally elected on May 12. Now, as the republic slips once more into civil strife and a possible military take-over, it seems unlikely that the scheduled election will take place at all. Ironically, should the army decide to intervene—the National Guard is Panama’s only military force—General Vallarino might assume office himself. He is widely thought to be politically ambitious and to resent Mr Robles’s passing him over for the succession. His intervention might be decisive—once he decides where his interests lie.

The new upheaval has already caused concern in Washington, where the Administration had hoped for the early ratification of treaties affecting the canal and the presence in the Canal Zone of American forces—long a cause of bitterness among Panamanians. Rioting has frequently resulted from protests against the 1903 treaty, which gave the United States the right to build a canal and maintain it in perpetuity. After long negotiations, Mr Robles’s Government secured from the United States Government a larger share of canal revenues. It was agreed then that the two Governments would study the possibility of cutting a sea-level canal which would eventually come completely under Panamanian control. Ratification of this agreement might be delayed indefinitely, since the main presidential candidates, including Mr Robles, now say that the issues involved require “ further study ”,