THE INDIAN SCENE MRS GANDHI FACES THE PRINCES’ “TRADE UNION”

Press, Volume CVII, Issue 31462, 31 August 1967, Page 10

THE INDIAN SCENE MRS GANDHI FACES THE PRINCES’ “TRADE UNION”

(Bg

CHRISTOPHER TUGENDHAT

in the "Financial Times". London. Reprinted by arrangement)

A trade union for princes has the authentic ring of a silly season news story. But to the Indian Prime Minister, Mrs Gandhi, and her Government the recent decision of the maharajahs, nizams, nawabs and other ex-rulers of the former princely states to form a “consultative committee” under the Maharajah of Baroda to defend their privy purses and privileges is a serious matter.

Although it is more than 20 years since their States were incorporated into the Indian Republic, some of the princes are still powerful men, and in many cases far better votecatchers than ordinary politicians. If they act together and withdraw their support from the ruling Congress Party several provincial governments are expected to fall, and the position of Mrs

Gandhi’s central administration in Delhi will be gravely weakened. Spurred By Congress The princes, who now number about 280, have been spurred to action by a resolution passed at the All India Congress Party committee in June demanding the end of their privy purses and other privileges. These are so considerable that no group of men could be expected to take such a challenge lying down. At present the Government pays the princes a total of £2.3 million a year tax free. This represents about 0.2 per cent of the country’s annual budget, and could buy one of the new British Aircraft Corporation’s B.A.C. TwoEleven airliners, a small oil refinery, or extensive irrigation works.

The princes receive the money as of right as a reward for merging their States with the rest of India at the time of independence. In those days it seemed a good deal for the Central Government, and Sardar Patel, who was in charge of the negotiations, defended the arrangement as “the small price we have paid for a bloodless revolution which has affected the destinies of millions of our people.” Nehru hoped that the annual payments and such privileges as the right to import goods duty free and to fly flags on their cars would recondie the princes to the loss of their ruling powers and the disappearance of their States. He wanted them to add a certain dignity and elegance to life in Delhi, in much the same way as the old French and Italian aristocratic families do in Paris and Rome, to join the diplomatic corps and to fill other dignified if powerless positions.

The Pecking-order

In 1947 there were 500 princes ruling about twofifths of India and 100 million people. Their privy purses and other privileges were assessed on the basis of their power and influence, and their position in the British raj’s order of precedence. At the top came the fabu-

lous Nizam of Hyderabad, who was reputed to be the richest man in the world. His State was as large as France, and during the Second World War he once gave Britain a whole squadron of Hurricanes. For a while he resisted the advancing Indian army, and only gave up when more than 600 of his own troops had been killed.

In spite of this opposition he was accorded an annual income of £240,000. He was a notable miser and this seems to have been more than enough for his needs. When he died it was found that rats had eaten their way through £3 million worth of his store of banknotes and his successor the present Nizam, says that every restaurant in the vicinity was supplied from the princely kitchens. Among the other major beneficiaries were the Maharajahs of Baroda, Mysore, Jaipur and Kashmir, and the Nizam of Bahawalpur. A good many others received between £lO,OOO and £50,000 a year, and the smallest annuity went to the Rajah of Kotadia, who was awarded less than £2OO. Fewer Beneficiaries

Over the last 20 years there have been a good many changes in the princes’ position. The original agreement laid down that the privy purses , should be reduced with each new succession to the title. As a result the list of beneficiaries has been reduced from the original 500 to the present 280, and the £2.3 million a year that they receive is about a third of the original figure. The present Nizam of Hyderabad receives less than half his predecessor's income, and it is estimated that only about 10 of the princes still rate as millionaires. Some of them And that their incomes are barely sufficient to cover the upkeep of their palaces, and the support of their retainers. The cost of being a maharajah can be considerable. Although they no longer have the power they used to wield, many of the duties remain. The Maharajah of Bikaner has estimated that out of his annual income of 1 million rupees about 400,000 goes on salaries, and he has about 500 servants. The late Nizam of Hyderabad employed over 14,000 in his household, and in spite of strict economies ' the present Nizam has been unable to cut the number to fewer than 2000. Hopes Fulfilled For a good many years after independence Nehru’s

hopes that the princes would concentrate on their own affairs were fulfilled. The Maharajah of Jaipur turned two of his palaces into luxury hotels, and several other princes became notable businessmen. A few more have achieved fame in other directions. The Maharajah of Bikaner, for instance, won the silver medal at a world shooting championship, and the Nawab of Pataudi is well known as India's cricket captain. Once the initial bitterness over their loss of power had disappeared, and they had adjusted themselves to living without the protection of the British, some of the princes began to take an active part in Congress Party politics. Most of them, or their fathers, had been strong opponents of Gandhi and Nehru before the war, but the party was prepared to welcome them. The practical politicians recognised that the princes still retain a good deal of influence in their former dominions—Vote for our Maharajah is a favourite slogan—and they can of course contribute large sums to the party funds. Some of the princes are also men with educational qualifications and organisational abilities of the sort that modern India badly needs. Recently the Maharajah of Kashmir, Dr. Karan Singh, became the first prince to enter the Cabinet when be was appointed Minister of Tourism. He is only 36, and is widely regarded as one of the most promising young men In the Congress Party. Kashmir was not present at the meeting at which the princes decided to set up their “consultative committee,” but several of those who were are also prominent members of Congress. The Maharajah of Baroda himself is the Minister of Health in the State of Gujerat

Challenge To Congress

If the princes bad confined their political activities to the Congress Party it is very doubtful whether the party would have passed its resolution calling for the end of their privileges. There have been, repeated left-wing demands for this, but until recently they were never taken seriously in spite of the party’s theoretical attachment to socialism and egalitarianism. However in the last few years the princes have been becoming Increasingly prominent in the opposition parties, especially the rightwing Swatantra, which has emerged as the most important single challenger to the Congress hegemony. Last February several of them campaigned vigorously against the Government in the General Election, including the beautiful Maharani of Jaipur and her two sons who operated as a family team in Rajasthan. In Congress circles princely intervention is blamed for many of the disappointing results, and there is plenty of evidence to support this view. In Gwalior, for Instance, the Rajmata (Queen Mother) pushed Congress completely out of the territory which used to comprise the princely state. Gwalior is now part of the province of Madhya Pradesh, and since the election the Rajmata has played a prominent part in bringing about the fall of the provincial Congress Government.

Party resolutions are not of course binding on governments but within the Congress Party there are some prominent and Influential men supporting the move against the princes, including Mr Y. B. Chavan, the Home Minister. Mrs Gandhi herself remains uncommitted, and the Government as such does not yet have a policy. Legal Problems The Government is also becoming uncomfortably aware of the difficult legal problems involved in attacking the princes’ privileges, and some lawyers believe that It will be necessary to amend the constitution before anything can be done. This would be a long process and if the princes responded by attacking Congress in the provinces at least two governments — those of Gujerat and Rajasthan—would probably fall. The princes themselves are adopting a cautious but determined approach. The Maharajah of Baroda refuses to answer questions about whether or not the consultative committee is planning legal action, and sticks to the line that its first task must be to persuade Congress to rescind Its resolution. Meanwhile the committee is pushing ahead with plans to form a larger association including all the princes. This is expected to come into being in October, and in addition to defending the privy purses it will advise Its members on everything from taxes to succession problems.