WORLD GOVERNMENT OR ATOMIC WAR... WHICH?

Press, Volume LXXXI, Issue 24711, 31 October 1945, Page 6

WORLD GOVERNMENT OR ATOMIC WAR... WHICH?

THE BOMB

The release of atomic energy has not created a new problem. It has merely made more urgent the necessity of solving an existing one. One could say that it has affected us quantitatively, not qualitatively. As long as there are sovereign nations possessing great power, wars are inevitable. That statement is not an attempt to say when war will come, but only that it is'sure to come. That fact was Sure before the atomic —bomb was made. .What has been changed is the destructiveness of war. I do not believe that civilisation will Be wiped out in a war fought with atomic bombs. Perhaps two-thirds of the people-of the e*arth might be killed, but enough men capable of thinking and enough books would be left to start again and civilisation could ,be restored. i' I do "not believe, that" the secret of the bomb should be given to the United Nations organisation. Ido not beQieve that it should be given to the Soviet Union. j Either course would be like the actioa of a man with Gapitai, who, wishing another man to work with him on v some enterprise, should start out by simply giving his prospective partner half "of his money. The second man might choose to start a- rival enterprise , when what was wanted was his co-operation. , A World Government The secret of the bomb should be committed to a World Government, and the United States should immediately' announce its readiness to give it to a World Government. Thia Government should be founded by the United States, the Soviet Union, and Great only three Powers with.. great military strength. All three of them should commit to this World Government all of their military strength. The fact that there are only three nations with great military power, should make it easier rather than harder to establish such a Government. - Since the United States, and Great Britain have the secret of the atomic ibomb and the Soviet Union does not, they should invite the Soviet Union to prepare and present the first draft of a Constitution for the proposed

World Government. .That action should help to dispel the distrust which the Russians already feel, because the bomb is being kept a secret, chiefly to prevent their having if. Obviously the first-draft would not be thejjinal one, but the Russians should be made to. feel that the World Government would. assure them their security. It would be wise if this Constitution were to be negotiated by a single American, a single Britisher, and a single Russian. They would have to have advisers, but these advisers should only advise when asked. I believe three men can succeed in writing a workable Constitution acceptable to all three nations. Six or seven men or more would probably fail. After the three Great Powers have drafted a Constitution and adopted it. the smaller i ations should be invited to join the World Government. They should be free to stay out: and though they would be perfectly secure in staying out. I am sure they, would wish to join. Naturally, they should be entitled to propose changes in the Constitution as drafted by the' Big Three. But the Big Three should go ahead and organise. Power of Intervention

The World Government would iiave power over all military matters, including power to intervene in ' countries where- a minority is oppressing : a majority and creating.the kind of instability that leads to war. Conditions such as exist in Argentina and Spain should be dealt with. There must be an end to the concept of non-interven-tion, for to end it is part of keeping the peace. \_ Establishment of the World Government must have to wait until the same conditions vf freedom are to be found in all three of the Great Powers. While it is true that in the Soviet Union a minority rules, I do not consider that internal conditions there are of themselves a threat to world peace. One must bear in mind that the people in Russia did not. have a long political education, and the changes to improve the Russian conditions had to be carried through by a minority for the reason that there was no majority capable of doing it. If I had been born a Russian, I believe, I could have adjusted myself to this condition. It is not necessary in establishing a world organisation -with a monopoly of military authority to change the structure of the three Great Powers. It would be for the three individuals who draft the Constitution to devise ways for their different structures to be fitted together for collaboration. Do I fear tyranny of a World Government? Of course I do. But I fear still more the coming of another war Any Government is certain to be evil to some extent But a World Government is preferable to the far greater evils of war, particularly with their intensified de.structiveness. v-? 5 World Government is not established by agreement, I believe it will come m another way, and in a much more dangerous form. For the war of wars will end in one Power being supreme and dominating the rest of the world by its overwhelming military strength. Danger of Gradualness Now that we have the atomic secret we must not lose it, and that is what we

U3y Professor ALBERT EINSTEIN.]

should risk doing if wc-. should giveli to the United Nations organisation or '"■"" to the Soviet Union. But we must make it clear 'as quickly as possible that we are not keeping the bomb a secret for : the sake of our own power, but in the hope of establishing peace in a WorldsGovernment, and that we will do our '?* utmost to bring this World Government •- into being. A I appreciate that there are persons. J who favour, a gradual approach to a ::; World Government, even 'though they '■*'■ -■"■ approve of it as the ultimate objec* J ; tive. ■=.' The trouble about taking little steps, :; orte at a time, in the hope that we shall v continue to keep the bomb secret is ' that we would, do it without making' our reason convincing to those who do -'i ; not have the secret. ~ : r4 L That, of itself, creates fear and sus-?f¥ picion, with the consequence that the relations of the rival sovereignties de-' : -< teriorate dangerously. So, while persons who take only a step at a time''.% may think they are approaching world : - -^ Eeace, they actually are contributingvfe y their slow pace to the coming oJM war. We have no time to spend in this~way. If war is. to be averted, it' mustSt be.done quickly. . The United States of America will 1 * not have the secret for very long. I 5 know it is argued that no other covin- -■ ■<?"' try has money enough to spend on the development of an atomic bomb, that this fact assures us the secret for's a long time. It is a mistake oftea-IS made in the United States to measure S things by the amount of money ihsy;M COSt. • . : , : :;.y*j But other countries which have materials and men can apply them the work of. developing: atomic powerf# if they care to do so. For the men'*? 5 and the materials and the decision ~to'-rS use them, and not money, are all that'll are needed. : '.qfi Scientific Development '■■'■-■ v^ I do not consider, myself the father'V*-r2 of the release of atomic energy. My vS part in it was quite indirect I '"&■ not, in fact, foresee its release in my%3 time I believed only that its was theoretically possible. .r| It became, practical through an accl-sIS dental discovery 6f a chain of reac«SjS3 tions. and this was not something j£<s -M could have predicted. It was discov-'&j! ered by Hahn in Berlin, and lie him-S| self misinterpreted what he It was Lise Meitner who jprovided correct interpretation and escaped *3 from Germany to place .the tiori in the hands of Nils Bohr.' ■ S?! I do not believe that a great era oflS atomic science is to be assured by ganising the sciences in the way item? large corporations are organised. One' : *s can organise to apply a discovery ready nlade, but not to'make * one. .; v . Only a free individual can make a i"i discovery. There can be .ar-kind of-SI organising whereby scientists are as~f;ii sured of their freedom and the properX.; : conditions of work. ; Professors science in the universities, for should? be relieved ci' some of •: their/ teaching so as to have time for more ; 'Si research. Can you imagine an' nlsation of scientists making the coveries of Charles Darwin? . .'• V'^ Nor do I believe that -the vast pro-i S vate corporations of theUnfted-States: are suitable to the needs of these' times. If a visitor came to- the" United : s1 States from another planete would "he -M not find itjstfange that in this country. | so much power is given to private cor- ; ?£ porations. without their having com- 'M mensurate responsibility?. • : 'i% I say this to stress'that the Amerj&S can Government must: keep cofrtrbl'ot:?* atomic energy, not because necessarily desirable, §but atomic energy was developed by'ttiefS| Government and it would be able Jo turn over this property of people to any individual or groupjfijjplj individuals. ■ -:. :< ■■%£§£??'* As to Socialism, unless it i§ iipE*s|& national toJhe extent of, World Government which .military power, it might more j easH||pS lead to wars .than does because it represents a still greatellfll concentration of powers. . :^;*SJ ■ . Constructive Purposes : 7. :^ojjsM To give any estimate of atomic energy can be applied to,con-rip': structive purposes is impossible. WhatS now is known is only how to use ; ajg fairly large quantity of uranium. use of quantities sufficiently small 4oJp operate, say, a car or aeroplane isaslp yet 'impossible. No doubt it will heM achieved, but,nobody can' say wheh^ : ;-*j| Nor- can -one 'predict when materials Jl more common than uranium canAbe-p used to supply atomic energy. ■■'-■ : "' r -H-,|§ Presumably, all-the materials used 'M for this purposevwill be ranong theiß heavier elements of high atomic p v. eight. Those elements are relatively ;?§ scarce, because of: their lesser feility. Mdst of -these materials mayjgt already have disappeared by .radio-! ifc r.ctive disintegration. ' , '■■> Sfo [So, though, the release of atomic SI energy can be, and no, doubt will be* jM a great boon to mankind, that may not ,v be before some time. ~ I'? For the Present, a Menace « I myself do not have the gift of ex- % plana tion by which to persuade, large |g numbers of the people of the urgency of the, problems the human race now frfaces. Hence, I should like to com- ~j mend someone who has this gift of ..p explanation—Emery Reves, whose W book, "The Anatomy of Peace," is in-:' SJ ttlligent, brief, clear, anfi, if I may '.ff use an abused term, dynamic on the ■.% topic of war and the need for a-World S Government. "' ■ ■ BSince I do not foresee that atomic * energy is to' be a great boon for a long £ time, I have to say that for the :- present it is a menace. Perhaps it is J well that it should be. It may intimi- .*;:; date the human race into bringing. 1 order into its international affairs V which,-without the pressure of fear, : it would not do. v; (World copyright.) ' A Press -Association cable message : from New York says that Professor Ein-> , stein, in a statement aimed at clarifying ~ his article on ithe atomic bomb, printed T: above, said that to give away the atomic \ bomb secret in the present, anarchic con- - ditions would lead to an accelerated armaments race. "There is nothing more important at present than to create an atmo6phere of coniidence between the - Great Powers so that the'great problem J of the abolition of competitive armament . ■ can be solved," he said. "When I said '.; that the so-called secret 'of the atomic ~r bomb should not be thrown away in the : present state of affairs, it was my in- ;' tention to express merely that every- . thing, especially knowledge about destruc- r tive weapons', should be used to bring • about a central organisation for security. ... The major Powers, in which rests the r greatest military strength, must establish - permanent machinery for control and military security which will make national armament superfluous." '