I PHILIP SNOWDEN.

Auckland Star, Volume LV, Issue 154, 1 July 1924, Page 3

I PHILIP SNOWDEN.

■ ■ A LABOUR IMPERIALIST. i NO SECRET DIPLOMACY. THE USES OF MANDATES. (E.L.C.W.) (From Our Special Correspondent.* LONDON, May 20."" 'Mr. Philip Snowden has just launched on a listening world the first Labour Budget of our Imperial Parliament. The Old World, scared by the label "Socialist," is still largely obsessed by the view that Labour cannot rule in the sense that it cannot produce men of a mental calibre for the work of a Cabinet. The new Chancellor of the Exchequer provides another refutation of this exploded idea. The Budget, acclaimed by both Liberal and Conservative Oppositions, makes us ask what manner of man is this Philip Snowden? And to obtain some answer, we turn to his book, "Labour and tlie New World," of which the pub- . Ushers, Messrs. Cassells, have just issued a new and revised edition. Those of us from overseas turn naturally to the chapters in which he outlines his, ana the Labour Party's, ideals on Imperialism and Internationalism. I Like all of his party. Mr. Snowden is convinced that the British Empire is a creation <bf greed and commercial grab. He ignores what even in Africa, and certainly in the Pacific, was at times the case—that the British Government has on occasion refused to take up responsibility when pressed to do so. His view is that "Empire is the spoils jof war, plunder, and violation." But i Mr. Snowden is a realist. The Empire, he knows, has to be accepted as it is, and he says: "When an act reprehensible in itself has been committed, it is not always the best or most expedi- . ent course to renounce the obligations which have been acquired, or to revert |to the previous conditions. The British Empire is a fact which must be recognised, and its obligations must he acj ccpted and fulfilled in such a way as will undo the mischief as far as possible, while avoiding consequences which might aggravate the situation-" j Britain's Dependencies. I He distinguishes, of course, between j the self-governing portions of the Em- | pire and the other parts. Of the latI ter he says: "The problem of the posii tion of the non-Anglo-Saxon dependencies presents very serious difficulties. I But if British control of these dependen- ! cies be conducted in the spirit of conferring benefits upon our subjects rather than of exploiting them for cur own advantage, if our policy be directed to training these populations to become self-governing communities in all mat- ; ters relating to their national affairs, ' then our government may be justified by the good that it has accomplished. So long as a spirit of Imperialism dominates the Great Powers, the withdrawal of British government from dependencies like India and the Crown Colonies will not be likely to leave these territories in the possession of independent self-government, but to leave them a prey to the predatory designs of other Powers." (Mr. Snowden has no Illusions, according to this textbook of his, as to the character of the mandatory power of the Allies. He regards them as simply camouflage for territorial annexation. IHe makes short work of the argument that backward races must be taught the [ dignity of labour, and emphasises it I with an anecdote: A native was informed by the newly-ai rived missionary that he had come to teach him to work for his good. "And wby should 1 work ?"__ said the native. 'To get rich," replied the missionary. "And why should I want to get rich?" said the native. "So that you won't need to work," replied the missionary. "And why," retorted the native, "should 1 take all the trouble to get round to 'where I am now?" Mr. Snowden. in brief, believes it is not a good thing for the progress of j civilisation that a few Great Powers I should have dominion over all land and ! sea, and should impress its form of I government, its raciaj characteristics, , its national individuality, on every nation of the earth. All for the League. What then would Mr. Snowden have us do? He is all for the League of Nations, but a League of Nations is one in reality and not merely an annex of the Gi 2at Powers. Further he would have such a real League of Nations implementing to the full the famous fourteen points of the Covenant in the spirit. At a moment when "we are following the new orientations of German politics and breathlessly awaiting the outcome of the French elections one reads with heightened attention what Mr. Snowden has to say on the immediate means he would adopt for the betterment of international relations. He first calls for open diplomacy, and, in view of the fact that his book" was first published in 1021, -we can hail Mr. Ramsay MacDonald's pourparlers with Poincaire at a real attempt at putting this plank on the Labour platform into actual use.. He says: "The air of mystery which has hitherto surrounded the conduct of foreign affairs must be dispelled. The people have to bear the consequences of a diplomacy which leads to war. It is a monstrous thing that a few European ! diplomatists, utterly out of touch with j democracy, should have the power to inI volve practically all the nations of Europe in a devastating war. He meets the objection usually urged against open diplomacy that it cannot ibe employed if other countries refuse to adopt it." "Had we had open diplomacy," he avers, "the protracted secret intrigues between the Foreign Offices of the" Great Powers of Europe which had been going on for 20 years before the •outbreak of war never would have taken place. I do not maintain that diplomatists have deliberately worked to provoke war, but their policy has been such that war was the inevitable result of it. Tho democracies of every country hate war. and if they were aware of things taking place which were likely to lead to war it is certain that they would take 6teps to settle the disagreements by peaceful methods." These extracts will suffice to show how stimulating a study Mr. Snowden has written of world affairs, and to indicate the angle from which he views them. Whether we aeree with him or not cannot deny to him the credit very forceful presentment views. What, as we see argument, should be our ills is just that government for vi fitted, linked with whereby the.produi be' available freely