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The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News and The Echo.

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1904. THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR.

For the cause that lacks assistance. For the wrung that needs resistance, For the future in the distance. And tlie good that we can do.

Though there has been no formal declaration of hostilities, there is no longer any dotlb. that what is technically known as v "state of war" exists in the Far East. The seizure of Russian vessels by Japan might possibly be construed as a reasonable precaution not altogether dissimilar from the steps taken by England in Delagoa Bay on the outbreak of the Boer war. But Admiral Alexiell's report that some of the warships at Port Arthur have been attacked and the later news of the damage done dissipate the last lingering hope that overt war might be avoided. Japan, confident in the knowledge that -he has behaved so with exemplary pat.can- ..'.ai self-control, has evidently not cotisid: ied it necessary to announce the opening of \...r wl.ii the ordinary lormalities; and it may lataken that the withdrawal of the Japanese Minister from St. Petersburg n .ri.ed the point at which negotiation ( wed. and a "siatc of war" actually :-"p.rThe opening incident of the struggle — the sei.uue of vessels without express uoiilica'tion of war—bears some analogy to the memorable episode with which the C-hino-Japanese war began. It may be remembered that the Japanese intercepted and sank a transport carrying Chinese troops before war was actually declared. The sinking of the ''Kowshing'' gave rise to a very interesting controversy among European experts in international law; and the chief English authorities on this abstruse subject insisted that Japan was entirely within her belligerent rights. This view was not accepted by most of the German and Russian writers on the subject, who throughout the war did their best to stir up continental feeling against Japan and to minimise her successes. The incident was certainly unusual, and in the opinion of many English writers may have some day an unpleasant interest even for England. "In the conflicts of the future.'' wrote one able critic." Japan may have her memory unpleasantly refreshed as to her contribution to the etiquette of modern war. And not Japan alone. The sinking of the "Kow- i 3hing," a British steamer with 1200 men

on board, was condoned by the British Government and upheld by British professors before even their opinion was asked. The incident is not forgotten, and if in an evil day we learn of the outbreak of hostilities by the torpedoing of a British squadron lying securely at their anchors, without ultimatum or " notice of a state of war, we may be ' cynically reminded of the doctrine so officiously preached in the case of the 'Kowshing.'" We do not agree -with this view of the case, but it is worth i" citing, as showing the importance that attaches at such a time to the obserrance of due formalities and the difficulty _ of arriving at any conclusive opinion on questions of international law. in the present instance Japan was not likely to suffer from the precedent that she ■ established. She was not taken by surprise, and no doubt when she is put to . the proof the world will learn that she is prepared for all possible contingencies at least as effectually as Russia. For the present British interest in the war is, of course, confined to a widespread sympathy for the Japanese. But it is impossible to conceal from ourselves the serious danger that other Powers may ultimately be involved in the struggle. To-day's cables include a report that Germany, France, and England may sign a joint Note expressing their resolution to keep clear of the war, and that America may possibly join them. For reasons we have already given—more especially because of the clear and explicit terms of the Angloj,Japanese alliance—we do not think that cither Germany or France is in the least likely to aid Russia unless and until England gives assistance to Japau. On the Continent, indeed, it has been freely stated that Russia is not prepared to accept any help that would bring England into the field against her. But there are certain contingencies in which it would seem impossible for England to preserve neutrality. The AngloJapanese alliance can be explained and justified only on the assumption that the interests of England and Japan in the Far East are practically identical; and on this assumption it is clear that England could not venture for the sake of either her prestige or her material interests to stand quietly by and witness the annihilation of Japan uutnoved. "There is no moral possibility. - ' says the "Morning Post," "that a British Government or the British nation can remain a passive spectator of a Japanese defeat, which would mean the end of British influence aud BriLisk trade in the Far East, and as regards the nat tion's good name, in the whole world." I The view expressed ou this question , by the "Times" is even more emphatic. "Circumstances, we need hardly say, are . at least conceivable in which, quite apart from the treaty, our own direct inter- . ests might forbid us to stand idly by. It must be remembered that if this war , begins, the whole question of the bal- • ance of power in the Far East will be at stake. In no circumstances could England be indifferent to such an issue of the contest as would materially alter that balance to her prejudice. We could not afford to see the dominion of the Far East pass into the hands of a single Power which is not friendly to us"; and here the "Times" points to an aspect of the case that is of especial importance to these colonies. "Our duty to our trade, to India, to Australia, to ; all our possessions in the Pacific, and on its further shores, forbids it. We coutd not look on and see Japan obliterated or permanently reduced to lhe rank of n second-rate Power." The logical I .inference from all this is expressed ' : ominously enough in the conclusion tlmt j i "war would be an event of no small '! grav>ty fov ourselves.'' We may lake it for granted that if Japan is beaten England, ami probably America, will in- ' ierveiie, just as France and Russia and I Germany interposed at the end of the | :i. hino-Japauese War. But how far can jwe be sure that a serious -Japanese re- | ■ verse will not compel the iimisii G. v- i ' i eiT.ment to take step', "necessary lo ! preserve its interests it; the Par East" iby lie i in, Jnpr.n before she is rcduc-d : -'■-'•■■ '■'■ .(■■■' ; i ii n i ■■■.. ; '.■•' war i... .aivs \ :i. r U-. a:ul it is s'L.i'-i •■: ly imp ...,:va I 10 !'.K. the CClll's;. (.. -v. :ils i;i the j !•'_'•_■ Ka-i. a inai'.ci' of k i a and almost j ; ■.::.: I iuierest to us' foi a ! na , line to ]

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/AS19040210.2.44

Bibliographic details

Auckland Star, Volume XXXV, Issue 35, 10 February 1904, Page 4

Word Count
1,161

The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News and The Echo. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1904. THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR. Auckland Star, Volume XXXV, Issue 35, 10 February 1904, Page 4

The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News and The Echo. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1904. THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR. Auckland Star, Volume XXXV, Issue 35, 10 February 1904, Page 4

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