The Evening Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News, and Echo. MONDAY, JULY 16, 1894.

Auckland Star, Volume XXV, Issue 168, 16 July 1894, Page 2

The Evening Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News, and Echo.

MONDAY, JULY 16, 1894.

fir th» t*ue that lacks aisi«tane», Fer Uu wrong that stadi mistanoe, Fit th« future in the dutanti. Axd the end tint tt» can «».

It is very interesting to notice how many of the political questions which have occupied a prominent place in New Zealand politics, are coming to the front during the general election which is now proceeding in New South Wales. It is also rather amusing to observe that some of the measures which have been denounced as ultra-Radical, and altogether wicked, by the Conservative party in New Zealand, now find their most ardent advocates among Conservative Liberals in New South Wales. The most decisive financial issue between Sir George Dibbs, who has hitherto had the labour party at his back, and the party headed by Sir Henry Parkes, is indeed the question of Protection versus Free Trade. The Dibbs party propose to continue and increase the existing protective duties, while the Opposition look for revenue to the land and income tax which the Liberal party in New Zealand struggled for so many years to obtain. Speaking on this subject at a political meeting ten days ago, Mr McMillan, who held the portfolio of Colonial Treasurer in the last Parkes' Administration, said :

Tfa* idea of the freetraders was that the man who bad a pair of strong shoulders, and who possessed wealth should bear hie fair share of taxation. The principle of freetrado was not to deprive woalth or capital of their possessions, bub to prevent them from sitting oh the poor man. The freetrader*1 principle of carrying on Gorernment was this — they believed the

people were * joined together by industrial and social interests, they believed in a trne democracy, nob the crushing oub of any one class or section of society, bub fair play for all, and they believed thab if taxation was necessary every man in the community should bear ib according bo tho strength of his shoulders. He proposed that they should get their revenue from two sources —from an income tax and a land tax. The proper course for a freetrade Government to follow was to do away with the present tariff, to immediately do away with it, aad to introduce direct taxation. Two other questions which have been disposed of here form prominent planks in Sir Henry Parkes's platform. These are womanhood suffrage and i local option without compensation. On the fiscal question Sir Henry is inclined to do a little trimming, by making it dependent upon the accomplishment of federation. That question he puts in the very first place, as overshadowing all other questions of public policy. His speech to the electors of St. Leonards at the School of Arts, North Sydney, states the arguments in favour of federation so concisely, that we reproduce them here: — He had no intention of neglecting what was due to Now South Wales, bub he was convinced that tho time had come when, for the effective government of the Australian people, they must be united under a federal government. (Cheers.). His reasons for thab opinion he had stated times out of number, and he would only briefly recapitnlate them that night. The time had come when unitedly they would be a great people, greater than many kingdoms of Europe, and greater than the Dominion of Canada when ib was founded. They were now nearly four millions strong, and since the time, 106 years ago, when the first forlorn group of settlers came to Sydney Cove, questions had emerged by reason of their growth which no Government in this Australian land could deal with. They appertained to bhe whole of Australia, and the Government of New South Wales could only deal with what related to New South Wales, and similarly with the other colonies. The coastline of Australia comprised 8,800 miles, while the coastline of New South Wales only comprised some 670 miles, leaving 8,000 railoa of coastlino over which New South Wales had no control. Hence, for many purposes they wanted a Government which would bo able to govern every inch of that 8,000 miles of coastline. (Hear, bear.) For instance, there was the question of national defence. The colonies bad spent millions on defence. Singly, the defence forces of the colonies could do practically nothing, but unitedly they would form a greab and effective federal army. What they wanted was a federal executive authority tbab could order theae forces to any point of the 8,800 miles of Australian coastline, wheravor danger threatened and there service were required, (Cheers.) Another question requiring a federal government to deal with ib was the preservation of the Anglo-Saxon stock in Australia. (Hear, hear.) If there was one obligation thrown upon every man who had any share in the management) of public affairs, ib was to preserve this fair Australian land for a greab people in bhe future of our own blood and faith, and laws and social institutions. (Cheers), For that reason they needed a rigid power—nob the power of New South Wales, nor of Victoria, nor of Queensland, but the power of a federal governmenb to properly restrict the nndue influx of the millions upon millions of interior races within easy ocean distance. There were in China and in con-, tinental India at least 6001 millions or 700 millions of those inferior people. A few millions of lives lost in an invasion of our country would hardly be felt in the myriads that formed those inferior races. No power short of a federal power could properly protect ns and our country in the future from the inroads of those inferior people who wanted nothing so much as new outlets for life. The earth hunger was not so keenly felt anywhere as ib was amongst those races. Then, from his poinb of view, the union of these colonies was only a question of a very short time. All the preliminaries had been gone through, and all thab was now wanted was an intelligent and enlightened concurrence in general principles as the foundation of the Federal Constitution. (Applause.) Therefore all they did at thia time ought to be done, if they were far-seeing and enlightened men, in view of that impending union. (Applause.) The labour party are fighting an independent battle, and have nominated in candidates. Their policy is to make the best terms they can with either side, and it is, no doubt, with a view to future alliances that Sir Henry Parkes talks of " the wretched squabble about free trade and protection," and proposes to allow the fiscal question to remain in abeyance until federation has become an accomplished fact. In this trimming the leading Sydney journals, freetrade to the backbone, are not disposed to concur. The Sydney " Telegraph " supports Mr McMillan in declaring that the question of freetrade should stand upon its own merits, and be made the main issue in the struggle. It says: " Admitting the greatness of the federation question, Mr McMillan declared that it was one which in all probability could not be brought to a practical issue for several years to come, and asked why the people of New .South Wales should wait for freetrade until then. That is a question which Sir Henry Parkes cannot answer, nor has he attempted to offer any reason for the absurd and inconsistent patchwork of a political policy which giving the fiscal issue ' a rest' would involve." Of the candidates nominated, the free traders and protectionists are about equal in numbers, and this will undoubtedly form one of the main issues on which the election will turn. The question of settlement on land receives less attention than we should expect in a country where monopoly of the soil obtains to an intolerable extent, but the Sydney "Telegraph" publishes diagrams shewing the relative position of the landless inhabitants of the colony in contrast with what it describes as "the lucky 672" who monopolise, and hold in a state of nature, the greater part of the lands of New South Wales.