The Evening Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News, and Echo. WEDNESDAY, MAY 1, 1889.

Auckland Star, Volume XX, Issue 102, 1 May 1889, Page 4

The Evening Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News, and Echo.

WEDNESDAY, MAY 1, 1889.

I'or the oaese that laoks assastanoa, For the vrrong that needs resistance, For the ftrtnre in tho distance, And the good that c oan io>

The plenipotentiaries of the Powers interested in the Samoan Archipelago are now assembled at Berlin, and fo r some time to come their deliberations will command the attention of the civilised world. That such should be the cass with regard to a little group of islands which Count Herbert Bismarck declared were "not worth a single angry despatch," and that this shou a be the second solemn Conference held to determine their future, demonstrates very forcibly the extreme state of tension which a trifling dispute about territory may induce, and explains the tremendous war preparations in Europe,

where a sudden turn of events may alter the allegiance of wealthy and populous provinces, and in some cases lead to the absorption of whole nations.

Prince Bismarck has shown himself a wily tactician in dealing with the Samoan question, and the English and American representatatives at the Conference are almost certain to be hoodwinked by that astute statesman. We learned a few days ago that he had given a most gracious welcome to Mr Geo. Bates, an Arnericnn representative, who had expressed strongly anti-Ger-man views. That the crusty old Chancellor should be " most gracious" to such a man indicates that he has made up his mind to beslobber and softsawder his opponents in order to throw them off their guard. If, as rumour states, Germany is prepared to concede the neutrality of Samoa, the Chancellor has probably an arriere pensee, in the shape of a proviso that German ships and guns alone shall guarantee the neutrality. Or can it be that his "gracious" mood arises from the knowledge that he has succeeded in embroiling England in European quarrels by means of the reported treaty by which England is to look after the colonies of Germany while the latter Power whips the Russian Bear? That would be a very good arrangement for Germany, but we do not think Lord Salisbury would be so foolish astopiunge England into such entanglements.

So far, apparently, nothing more satisfactory than a proposed return to the Consular control in Samoa has been thought of—the sole addition being a naval arbitrator to decide when the Consuls differed. This means, we suppose, a German warship, or an English tuan-of-war under German orders. The suggested arrangement might suit if the naval arbiter were the United States; but if the Samoans arc to have any show of independence whatever, an indispensable condition is the restoration of'their deported King, Malietoa. Indeed, we are grievously disappointed that the English and American representatives at the Conference have r.ot made it a sine qua non to considering the Samoan question at a!!, that Germany should undertake to restore the exiled monarch to his people.

To show how completely Prince Bismarck hasswallowed the leek in the matter of German aggression at Samoa, we quote from a White Book issued by the German Government Last month, In writing to HerrSieubel, the new Consul at Samoa, Prince Bismarck declares that Dr. Knappe had evidently lost his head, owing to the presence of three German men-of-war at Samoa.

Dr. Knappe's action, reverting to tho question of annexation, is incomprehensible, because his experience and instructions ought to have shown him that his desire to annex Samoa was opposed to tho policy conducted by the Chancellor in conformity with tho Emperor's intentions. Dv. ICnaupo had justified the arrest of the Englishman Gelling on the ground that the latter had recommended that Mataafa should apply to Sir George Grey, ex-Governor of New Zealand, for assistance. Investigation proved that Gelling was not aware of the significance of his acts. Dr. Knappo was neither authorised to declare war nor martial law, and in any case there could be no question of enforcing the latter against foreigners. His conduct both toward the agents of other Powers and the natives lacked the calmness and coolness indispensable for correct official action. The assumption that the German Government had authorised such procedure on his part rests on a wilful misconception or mistake which it was difficult to explain.

These admissions of error and declarations of future good intentions, appear to pave the way for a fair consideration of the rival interests involved in the Samoan question so far as the three "civilised" Powers are concerned. There is, however, an entire absence of any reference to the rights of the presumed "savages." This is the weak point in the German policy, not only in Samoa, but in every other place where they have attempted to plant a colony among an aboriginal race. The Chancellor concedes all that we urged at the time regarding the flagrant outrages perpetrated on British shipping and a British subject from New Zealand, and apparently all that remains in these cases is to have the amount of compensation fixed. If Prince Bismarck could only be brought to recognise the rights of the Samoans, the task of the Conference would be lightened. But for the deliberate ignoring of these rights by Germany, there would have been, no necessity for a Conference, there would have been no war, and there would have been no deplorable loss of life through the late hurricane at Apia. Let us hope the Chancellor is not too old to learn the lesson of these events.