THE Wellington Independent. "Nothing extenuate; Nor set down aught in malice." THURSDAY MORNING, 23rd APRIL. THE AMERICAN NEWS.

Wellington Independent, Volume XVIII, Issue 1859, 23 April 1863, Page 2

THE Wellington Independent. " Nothing extenuate ; Nor set down aught in malice." THURSDAY MORNING, 23rd APRIL. THE AMERICAN NEWS.

Apart from the vivid interest created by the details of the America?) war, there is even more subject matter of thought in walchinglliedevelorement of ilie changing political phases of the question. At the present moment the later intelligence wa have ivceived through the medium of a tangled skein of Californian telegrams does not add much to our previous knowledge of the aspect of affairs between the belligerents. A seige of the town of Vicksburjj appears to have followed the previous defeat which the Federals had sustained there, and an attack on the town itself was anticipated. The Federals were said to be contemplating a movement to cross the Rappahannoek, and make a second attack on the Confederate position, and large Federal forces were proceeding to Charleston and Savannah, which were also menaced. It is impossible to gather that any fresh couflici has taken place at Fredericksburg, and thus though the tidings are portentious of further battles to be fought, there is nothing of actual occurrence to dilate on.

But if the purely military intelligence is bald and devoid of interest, not so are the political details. The President's Emancipation proclamation, which has heen so ill received in Europe, was already begiuning to work inhar moniously in New Orleans, where the Federal officers and men have refused to be placed on a level with negro soldiers. The people of England cannot be brought to believe that ! President Lincoln has declared the slates in j the rebel states, " to he henceforth and for ever | free," purely because he desires the abolition of slavery. It wos the strongest card he held in his hand, and when he tried to win the game by throwing on the board bis black "jack," it was doubtless, with the expectation that the liberation of the negro population of the South, would be followed by the submission of their owners. It was a terrible weapon to employ, and its results, in revolt, with its concomitants of in» terual strife and bloodshed may yet be seen. But it is absurd to attribute such a proceeding to motives of philanthrophy, and the Times of January 19lb, thus ridicules such an idea. It says — • At this moment Mr Lincoln and all his company are walking across the world's stage arm in arm with a rather reluctant negro ; each " Conscript Yankee," however having his tongue thrust in his cheek, one of hig thumbs pointed eastward over his shoulder, and a finger of hia other hand upon his lips. All the actors are earnest to tell each other that this is nothing but " Buncombe." Cassius Clay himself would sink in his own'estimation if he thought his neighbours could imagine that he was a real emancipator for emancipation'! sake, or that he had any other object in view except to devastate the South by strong acts and to cajole the fools of Europe by fine words. Mr Cassius Clay, or any of his shrewd companion! in these gesticulating orgies, would be enraged if any one of his own friends thought he could be seriously so silly as to be sincere. To bo a philanthropist at all would probably not be, in his opinion very creditable to the shrewdness of the compatriot of a matter-of-fnct people, whose facts are for the most pan fictions; but. to profess a philanthrophy which can never operate except as an agency of bloodshed, to be a liberator of other people's slaves and a conservator of hia own, to be a proscriber of the black race in the North and West, a slave master in the middle States, and an emancipator in the South, is a contradiction which, the smartest Yankee could not allow himself to be thought really capable of suggesting, as worthy of serious belief by his own people With his tongue in his cheek, then, and his thumb pointing over his shoulder Europewards, Mr Lincoln bids his friends to understand that all he is doing is only intended to befool the Governments and the people and the press of simple-minded Europe. j

Whether there is any likelihood of mediation on the partof England or Prance or both combined to sUy this fearful conflicts a question of special import ? There is a fresh rumour on this sub. ject, — we cannot call it an authentic statement — which alleges that President Lincoln has had another interview with the French Ambassador, when the former expressed an opinion that the moment for listening to the counsels of France had not yet arrived. England still held aloof, from making any overtures, and the policy of intervention is still maintained. In the South the proposal of foreign mediation is at present extremely distasteful, the journals allege that the North has abandoned the idea of subjugation and is fighting for its own safety, while in the North not only is the rejection of interference decided, but, if the New York Herald is to be credited, the French Emperor has become the object of suspicion, and bis protestations of friendship are said to be only a mask for sinister intentions. That journal says —

An effort is being made by those journals in the service of the Emperor Napoleon to palliate his coalition against this Government. The very fact that excuses are made, and that protestations of friendship and good-will are so earnestly repeated by the French semi-officinl press, the London journals in the pay of Napoleon, and some journals here, which seem to take a strange view of Napoleon's movements, all tend to make us very suspicious as to Napoleon's real intentions towards this country. We remember quite well, that at the time ho was doing all in his power to secure Nice and Savoy, the semi-official French press, were emphatically denying that France would, even if they were proffered, accept the provinces in question. We are aware that Napoleon says one thing when he means another ; that when he makes a show of good feeling, anger and ill-will rankle in his heart, and that he fawns upon those whom he has decided to destroy. Knowing these things, we are apprehensive of evil when we find Napoleon making urgent protestations of goodwill towards us, and we look about to see where he is to strike a first blow.

We do not believe that all the troops and iron clads which France is now despatching to the Gulf of Mexico, are intended to find their way to the famed halis of the Montezuinas. We fear that they are more likely to visit the mud banks of the Mississippi. While giving assurances of friendship and good will towardß this country, Napoleon is making tremendous preparations for an onset somewhere. Will it be against us or against England? There is a douht in this matter, and while that doubt exists, it becomes an imperative duty for us to prepare a powerful defence of Mobile and the mouths of the Al ism'ssippi.' New Orleans we must guard as ; the apple of our eye. The valley of the Mississippi wo must hold and control at all hazards. Our administration must not halt or falter here ; the danger may fall upon us at any moment, and we must be prepared to ward off the blow. Napoleon is fatally urged uto tho committal of eomo bold asaault. Ift

must attack some great power, he must comraenoe some great and stupendous struggle, involving the honor and military glory of France, if only to stay thereby the schemes of his enemies, who have sworn and are accomplishing his downfall. In a quarrel at this moment, hampered as we are by a rebellion which we must crush, we have one side exposed to our enemy's attack, and we all know that Napoleon takes advantage of such circuncfstances. He may hope that, were he to assume the cause of the South he might make with the traitors his own terms, and that while he was successfully prosecuting his idea of denomination in Mexico, he might secure at the same time a hold upon the confederacy. One-thirdthe number of troops to be sent by France to this continent can easily march to and conquer Mexico. The other half joined to the forces of Davis, would, as perhaps Napoleon fondly imagines, soon &ettie the question of Southern independence, while Napoleon's entire fleet would free the Southern ports from bur blockade at once. These are pleasant anticipations for Napoleon to make, and he might easily be seduced by the prospect of so much glory as well as bo much material benefit, and be induced to strike a blow at us. Should he do so, he will strike quickly and to the purpose. His is no weak hand, and when he attacks he does so in force. Again and again we urge our warnings upon the administration. Increase our naval forces — make them invincible ; we must hold, and strongly hold, every Southern port ; we must not brook the interference; and it is only by the display of tremendous and overwhelming power that we shall succeed in keeping off our enemies. Let us arm, arm, arm ; no moment of time must be lost.

We have quoted the above, not because we imagine it points to a likely eventuality,, but merely as an indication of the jealousy with which theaction^f foreign states is looked upon, by America, and to furnish what is probably one of the reasons why England is so chary of meddling in the matter.