The Lyttelton Times. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 24, 1869.

Lyttelton Times, Volume XXXI, Issue 2654, 24 March 1869, Page 2

The Lyttelton Times. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 24, 1869.

About two years bave elapsed since the General Assembly thought fit to authorise the imposition of a postage tax on the transmission of newspapers. The expediency of such a step was warmly debated at the time, and it is not necessary that we should endeavour to recall the arguments for or against. It was never, we think, clearly shewn that the carriage of newsSapers involved much additional expeniture in the Post office department. On the other hand, it was generally acknowledged that the imposition of the tax might, and very probably would, tend to prevent the diffusion of information about the several partß of the colony—among each other, and among those who might be looking for new fields of industry and fresh sources of investment. It is, of course, impossible to say how far the tax has hindered the spread of knowledge about the colony and its resources, but it may be safely assumed that, indirectly, New Zealand has lost more in thisway than the revenuehas gained from the postage on newspapers. A paragraph in onr latest telegrams from Australia reminds us that the subject of newspaper postage has been very keenly debated in the New South Wales Legislative Assembly, and that, strangely enough, it has been made the means of moving a vote of "no confidence" in the Government.

On consulting lateSydney-iles, we find that an Opposition member, on Feb. 5, moved a resolution affirming the desirability of repealing the Newspaper Postage Act, which appears to nave been in force Bince 1864 In I speaking to his motion, he said that he did not regard the postage charge as a tax, "because the newspaper " could be obtained by paying the "postage." The reason is odd enough when we consider that it might, with equal force, be applied to the imposts which are levied on tea and sugar, or any othercommodities which have come to be regarded as necessaries of life. It is true that people are not compelled to buy them, but, on the other hand, a considerable portion of those who look upon a newspaper as a necessary are virtually compelled to contribute a certain sum to the revenue. Practically, then, the newspaper postage is just as much a tax as the duties levied on certain imported articles. The gentleman to whom we have alluded went on to say that he found fault with the postage on newspapers as being "inconsistent " with the general policy of the " country." The Government, he said, had assumed the duty of educating the public, and amongst all the educational machinery of the colony nothing was more useful than, or so easily available as, the newspaper press. On this ground, it was most unwise to limit, or in any way check, the wide diffusion of newspapers. In order to show the advantages conferred upon nations by the press, he drew a parallel between those countries in which newspapers were numerous and those in which they were hardly known; and, dwelling upon the ignorance which prevailed more or less in all parts of the colony, he insisted upon the necessity of disseminating, through the press, proper information on all matters of public importance. It seems clear, from the remarks made by a member of the New South Wales Government in reply to the arguments we have referred to, that the inexpediency of the postage tax on newspapers is not denied. But it is a source of revenue, trifling though the sum contributed may be, and it is not convenient to give it up. That is the sum and substance of the view taken by the Government. Looking at the treatment which the press of this colony has received from the Stafford Government, it can hardly be expected that they would entertain a proposal for the repeal of the Act imposing a newspaper postage. Still, that need not hinder us from pointing out the policy adopted by the Government of the United States with regard to this question. The American correspondent of The Times, in a recent letter, alludes to the subject and gives a considerable amount of valuable information. He tells us that the newspaper in America is regarded as a useful and necessary institution, and one which it is as much the duty of the Government and people to support as the public school system, or any other of the many indispensable things that the community carries on for its benefit. This usefulness of the newspaper is recognised by the Government in every way. Every law passed by the Federal Congress must be published in a certain number of newspapers in every State in the Union; the same is the case with every treaty ratified, with every Presidential proclamation, and with every other official act of the Government. Nothing can be bought or sold by Government without advertisement duly made. "When Congress, at the close of the war, lessened the heavy taxation upon the people, the first tax removed was the inland duty upon advertisements, and the importance of the newspaper business was recognised by exempting it from restriction. But the Government goes even further than this, and holds it to be its duty actively to facilitate the newspaper circulation. Every advantage that can be asked in the way of postal facilities is extended to newspapers. The Kmes correspondent goes on to describe how the exchange of newspapers between the various publishing offices is facilitated by the Government. The "exchange papers" in every newspaper-office are an important source of information, and there are few American editors who do not exchange their paper with several hundred contemporaries. By law, the I Post-office department carries all these exchange papers free of cost, either to sender or receiver. The San Francisco publisher drops his journal daily into the post-office at that city, and it is carried 3000 miles to Philadelphia; the Philadelphia publisher receives it, and in turn sends his paper to San Francisco. Not a penny is paid for this service, yet it goes on between the many newspaper offices of the country, and tons of mail matter are carried in this way at the public cost. The Postoffice does even more, for it gives each publisher a post-office box on its premises to receive his hundreds of exchanges daily, to be bis exclusive property so long as thus used, and this, too, without any pay. One thousand dollars a year from each would scarcely pay for the service thus done for every newspaper in the country, and done voluntarily and gladly by the Government. It is only fair to say that, during last session of the General Assembly, the Government recognised the value of newspapers so far as to permit "exchanges" between the colonial journals to pass free of postage. So far, we have been considering what may be called the advantages conferred on the newspapers themselves by the American Government. But there is another side to the question, and that also has not been lost sight of by those who legislate for the people of the United States. i

It is considered to be the wisest policy to benefit the subscribers as well as the publishers of newspapers. The newspaper mails are carried with the same speed and care as the letter mails, but at amuch lower rate. Letter postage from any part of the United States to any other, provided the distance be not more than 3000 miles, is at the rate of three cents for a half-

Newspaper postage for the same distance is but two cents a single rate, and this Bingle rate is anything less than four ounces, ao that the sender may put half a dozen newspapers in one package, provided it does not weigh over four ounces, and still only pay two cents postage for it. Besides this, the Post-office grants a commutation to regular newspaper subscribers. The subscriber to a daily newspaper would have to pay, at the regular rate, two cents postage a day, but by merely exhibiting a receipt from the publisher shewing him to be a subscriber he is entitled to the commutation, aud pays thirty cents in advance for three months at the Post-cffice where he receives his paper. For one dollar twenty cents a year, therefore, he can get through the post his three hundred and ten daily newspapers that otherwise would have cost over six dollars postage. These advantages are extended to all publications—daily, weekly, or monthly. The publishers of weekly papers have an additional advantage, as they can send by mail, free of charge for postage, one copy of their paper 'each week to any subscriber within the county where the paper is published. In addition to the advantages, just mentioned, which are actual encouragements to the public to subscribe to newspapers, and granted by the Government of the States in order to assist a business which is thought to be of incalculable benefit to the country, The Times correspondent mentions others. Books, authors' manuscripts, proof-sheets, &c, are also carried by the mail at much less than the regular rates, and for the same reason. The railway, steamboat, express, and telegraph companies, also, for the same cause, grant facilities for the gathering of news and the circulation of newspapers, not enjoyed by the general public. While all the transportation lines give every facility for the carriage of newspaper bundles from the cities to rural newsmen and agents, they rarely think of charging anything for the service; and the telegraph companies, recognising the newspapers as among their best customers, transmit their news messages at from onethird to one-half the ordinary rates. This, too, is done in order to facilitate the operations of an important business.

Alluding to the fact that the English Government have acquired the various telegraph lines in the United Kingdom, and commenting on the letter of its American correspondent, The Times remarks that in proportion as the franchise has been extended in Britain so must the means of using it intelligently be extended. It may, says our contemporary, become a question whether the Government ought not, even if it did not "pay," take some steos to bring the means of political information more within the reach of all classes of the people. If the newspaper is to be considered as a great educational agent—and such seems to be the opinion generally entertained in England and America—it seems clear that the Government of a country, more especially where the institutions are essentially democratic, ought to facilitate in every possible way, its universal circulation. Mr Stafford has frequently said that there is no such thing as a " public opinion" in New Zealand. This is quite true, but it is also true that no one has done so much to hinder the growth of that the absence of which he professes to regret as the Premier himself. When those who govern a country begin to rail at the press, to curtail its privileges, and even to throw obstacles in the way of its circulation, it may be very fairly inferred that they have reason to dread that honest criticism which is the best guarantee of good government.