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The Lyttelton Times. WEDNESDAY, JULY 30, 1862.

The news from the North Island that reaches us from time to time is not likely to change the opinion of those who regretted the change of Government in 1861, or to make them look hopefully on the present prospects of the native race. It is true that accounts differ very much according to the sources from j which they come, but they all lead to the same conclusion that the natives who were disaffected under Governor Browne are quite as disaffected now, while the effects of the policy, which was beginning to tell on the minds of the wavering, have been destroyed by the uncertain and divided counsels which have since prevailed. It is not necessary to attribute to the members of the present Government any great influence for good or evil over the minds of the Maoris. No skill in managing this wayward race—not even that of Sir George Grey —would be sufficient to remedy the evil done by the change of policy and the altered attitude of the Imperial Government as represented in the colony. We-are confident that this change will hereafter be looked on as a most cruel misfortune —especially to the natives; already the fruits of it may be gathered from the language held in different places by assembled bodies of Maoris. They have learned to disbelieve the words of a Governor, whatever may be the terms he insists on; and as they see discredit thrown by one representative of her Majesty on the work of his predecessor, they are inclined to trust to future changes, and to depend on the cunning and audacity of savage life rather than on the half-learned lessons of civilised society. To what end can all this lead ? Sir George Grey has pledged himself to defend the English settlers in the North from lawless aggression; that such aggression will take place there is too much reason to fear, and its repression must be attended with much bloodshed. The longer the natives are encouraged to believe that they can injure the neighbouring paheha with impunity, the greater will be the danger of a war of races, which may become for the' Maoris a struggle for existence. > Although the ultimate control of the natives has always been kept in the hands of the Imperial Government, the colony became accustomed to look upon the last Executive as associated with the Governor in the management of native affairs. The names of Messrs. Richmond and Weld were guarantees for ability and experience in dealing with the I Maoris, arid the Governor and his Executive | were working together with the greatest •cordiality. But it is well known that the present Government was composed without respect to native affairs of men who differed from each other on this subject, although the Colonial Secretary came in on a cry raised against the late Executive by himself and others on account of their Native policy. At any rate the arrival of Sir George Grey, sent as he has been on a special mission, has altered the position of the Executive with respect to native affairs. To the- Governor, and to the Governor alone, we must attribute the native policy of the Government. Owing to the loss of the White Swan, no copy of the proposed institutions has vet reached us. A draft of them was laid on the table of the House, but there were, it appears, no spare copies to forward by the last mail to the southern provinces. Though we do not know the details of the institutions which are ; to do such wonders for the natives, we have received news of the proceedings of the Maoris themselves. At a meeting near Otaki, ; certain " laws" have been passed, of which the following are samples :— The judgment of the Queen shall not fall upon the men of the king." l£ If a Queen's summons should be received by a King's subject, it shall be destroyed with fire." "The king's subject shall not obey (or' gc at') the summons of the Queen." Now, the natives have been told, in the natrn of the Queen, that they are her subjects anc must obey her, as they agreed themselves bj treaty. Are they to be now treated as ar independent people ? If so, let us know it a' once, and then settlers will watch their boun : daries and understand the footing they, are 01 with them. Heretofore, at Taranaki the cus torn has been that Maoris could obtain ii English Courts judgments and execution: against white men, but that white men coul( not get justice against Maori debtors o offenders. It seems now that one of thi , peaceably-disposed chiefs, so much patronise< by a political party during the late war, ha just extended his protection * to a runawa l white prisoner, who sought refuge in his pah The policeman in pursuit of him was warnei not to come again, lesVevil should befal him The Taranaki natives are taking possessioi of land belonging to settlers, on the grouni that it was conquered during the late wai and are debating the advisability of opposing | road making, even on European land. Thes

are the natives who have, been warned that they must restore the plunder taken during the war, and make compensation for the murders committed. They do not appear to believe what they are told by the Government. While we see no symptom of improvement in the lately disturbed district; while the brave and unfortunate settlers of Taranaki are left .at last to despair, after so many and such persevering efforts on their part, we cannot be expected to place much faith in paper "institutions." The accounts from other parts of New Zealand are much the same as those from Otaki and Taranaki, and the prospect of the future is riot mending. We spoke above of the altered attitude of the Imperial Government as represented in the colony. So far as we can judge by a despatch of the Duke of Newcastle dated June, 1861, the Imperial Government itself had no idea of changing its tone or attitude in dealing with the disaffected natives. The Governor is instructed not to make peace with the rebels, until they sue for it; and he is to take care that nothing shall manifest either weakness or alarm. "It would be better even to prolong the war, with all its evils, than to end it without producing in the native mind such a conviction of our strength as may render the peace not temporary and precarious, but well-grounded and lasting. If the Maoris acquire that conviction, and if they find themselves treated by the Government with as much fairness and consideration as they received before, much will have been done to secure the future welfare and harmony of the two races which inhabit New Zealand." — [We quote at second-hand from the columns of the 'Daily Times.'] This is language worthy of the English Government, firm, sensible and humane. In the face of late proceedings of the natives, the Taranaki settlers may well ask whether the instructions of the English Government have been com. plied with. Let us remember the words of the Colonial Secretary, and by their light judge the policy of the local Government. The Governor cannot plead that he would.not be backed by the Home Government in a decisive and firm policy. The Secretary of State for the Colonies has used the same language as that used by the most sensible and temperate colonists of New Zealand; language which a party in New Zealand nicknamed " vigorous prosecution" policy by way of taunt. The best friends of the Maoris will hold that the policy of the English' Government as expressed in the Duke of Newcastle's despatch is more just and humane than the English policy as represented in the colony by indecision and empiricism.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/LT18620730.2.10

Bibliographic details

Lyttelton Times, Volume XVIII, Issue 1014, 30 July 1862, Page 4

Word Count
1,315

The Lyttelton Times. WEDNESDAY, JULY 30, 1862. Lyttelton Times, Volume XVIII, Issue 1014, 30 July 1862, Page 4

The Lyttelton Times. WEDNESDAY, JULY 30, 1862. Lyttelton Times, Volume XVIII, Issue 1014, 30 July 1862, Page 4