The Scheme of Things

Evening Post, Volume CXXVI, Issue 116, 12 November 1938, Page 19

The Scheme of Things

By M.H.C.

Some very interesting reflections regarding the "Government of Tomorrow" appear in a recently-pub-lished book by a thoughtful writer, who takes, the long view about most things. He feels that a system of political reconstruction is much needed in all countries. Only recently in his country there Has been the expression of concentrated power implemented by a belief in a certain set of ideas which cahno.t.be- said to apply to the whole country and all its various sections. This, of course, is not an isolated case. The, same thing has been going on lor centuries, it might be said, but when it is in the immediate past there is more interest in bringing it to the surface and trying to see what underlies the motives of the people when .they "rush to one side of the ship of State," or to the other. It is a very curious happening, for in some ways, there seems to be little reason at the back of it all, and one set of ideas is taken up with enthusiasm without any special necessity appearing.

The writer talks of "artificial grouping." He makes a very good case against the present system of taking so many people in a city,, a country town, or in the country itself as a constituency, and remarks that it is curious how we all accept that theory as if it had been handed to us from Sinai's top, not noting that the times have so changed as to make it quite inapplicable. All these curiously conglomerate groups are "represented" by one or two men who cannot possibly understand the component parts of his human electorate. There are at times agricultural interests, and these include grain growing as well as wool producing, dairying, and others of the same kind. They are wide and farreaching, and need special knowledge, one would imagine, in a "representative." Then there are the cities with real estate brokers, business men in large concerns such as banks, insurance, and mercantile interests. Among smaller people there are shop-keepers, school teachers, tradesmen, who are not of the "cuff and collar class"—all needing some sort of consideration and

understanding. Then there are young people whose ideas are immensely .fluid, and who cannot, at the time, concentrate on any useful grasp of the affairs of a nation, and yet who have just as much power as the largest holder, or the most responsible person whose knowledge is wider and who takes a far longer view than is possible with the young idea.

On election day this heterogeneous mass of people come together and vote for some person to represent them all. The Parliamentarian is supposed to take charge of their common interests —but they have no common interests. Social interest and effectiveness, can only be generated where people feel that they have common interests. Herein lies the typical defect of our modern political system, says the writer. Most people will cordially agree with him. "Apparently," he remarks, "there is no cure for this save as we face the issue of organising political life into common-interest groups."

In the evolution of the world groupings have come about gradually. Any reader of history can see how this has been achieved, and the various reasons in a changing world which led up to their formation. Agriculture was an early and a wide interest, and propinquity, or the drawing together of people into groups in villages first, and then into towns, which made an occupational interest. ; This formation of leagues, associations, and guilds showed the natural tendency of both men and women to band into groups with mutual ideas and opportunities of work. However, the writer looks .upon the attempts of practical politicians to persuade every "Tom, Dick, and Harry" to come into their appointed camp as a disheartening process. He does not despise the people, but feels that the whole process psychologically is hopeless and socially wasteful. . The heterogeneous citizens have no real idea of anything in common. Their wishes are foisted upon