OUR NAVAL POLICY.

Auckland Star, Volume XLIV, Issue 58, 8 March 1913, Page 10

OUR NAVAL POLICY.

(By CAPTAIN C. A. YOUNG.}:

What is this "to be? Is New Zealand to work out her own destiny, or is she to be towed like a small boat behind the Dreadnoughts of Great Britain or Australia?

A visitor from the Homeland chancing ■to be in Auckland on such occasions as a regatta on the Wartemata ooud not but wonder that such a love for aquatic sport, and such a dispay of patriotic British bunting, had not yet taken concrete form in some such way as the formation of a strong branch of the Navy League in Auckland, with the commodores of the yachting and power boat squadron, as president and vicepresident.

Yachting men would thus place themselves en rapport with their brethren of the Royal Navy when Auckland becomes a naval port. Would it not also be possible to anticipate—what must surely eventuate when this time comes — and fo.in a Royal Yacht Squadron Club, with a commodious and convenient clubhouse; with the Governor as patron, the Admiral as president, and the officers of the Imperial Pacific Squadron as members? Would thi6 be going too fast? Surely not! We must move with the times, and the times are moving fast.

The articles which have recently appeared in the Press must surely be preparing .the public mind for great changes in naval matters, but it will perhaps take a little time for people to comprehend what it will mean to Auckland when the port becomes a Naval Station. Something will be expected in the way of larger hospital accommodation, also "A Sailors' Home," where Jack when he is ashoTe on leave may recreate himself virtuously. But this by the way.

In time we shall be having ships of the Imperioil Navy always in our waters; ought we not therefore to set to work at once to prepare to benefit by association with these Imperial Naval men of war, by organising naval cadet corps, training stations, a naval college, and in such ways encourage our lads to take to a sailor's life? In such ways we could assist the Imperial Naval Defence scheme, and at the same time form the nucleus of our own naval defence. At present we are putting all our eggs into the one basket of. military service. Is this wise?

So far, thanks to Sir Joseph Ward, New Zealand is the only one of the Overseas Dominions which has not blundered in her naval policy, but, of course, that policy must be greatly expanded if we are to contribute our adequate quota to Imperial Naval Defence, and at the same time begin to develop our own naval rrsources.

There is no present necessity for Canada, Australia and New Zealand to organise and maintain a fleet in the Pacific; the centre of world interest will not be there until Great Britain's fleet has been defeated in the North Sea or elsewhere, and, if that event happens, neither of the Oversea Dominions will require a fleet in the Pacific. Further, the idea of joining Australia in forming a Naval Defence Force in the Pacific is selfish and mean, and is absolutely impracticable for many years to came. No; New Zealand's whole-hearted acceptance of the principle that, for the present, at any rate, she must sink or swim with the Homeland, is the only honourable and safe solution of the question for her. Ah Australasian fleet would be of no service to Great Britain, as she would still have to maintain a fleet in her home waters of sufficient power to defend her shores from attack and protect her trade and food supply routes. She could never trust an Overseas Dominion local navy to do this; and it would bo dishonourable and cowardly for any' British Government to -betray the people's trust by accepting help in any such grudging and selfish way from any of the Overseas Dominions as has been offered by Australia.

All Anglo-Saxons ca?; sympathise with the patriotic desire of Australia to form a fleet of her own, but it is surely absurd to think such a navy could be "built inAustralia, if at all, in less than twenty to thirty years; and anything may happen in that time. As such a fleet could only be constructed in Great Britain, possibly with borrowed capital, it would be an embarrassment and cause of weakness rather than of strength to the Homeland, as it would occupy the building yards when most required; and in the end could not be relied upon because of the provisional conditions of its connection with the Imperial navy. Such half-hearted help is no help, as it would weaken Great Britain's voice in the Council of Nations, and cause a possible enemy to believe that she could not rely upon her Overseas Dominions in a Grisis, and so would encourage the possible enemy to attack. Such local overseas navies would, therefore, not only be a cause of weakness, but would become a factor to disturb the world's peace. Absolute unity alone can give the necessary strength To discourage attack, or secure victory in the event of war. But it is more than possible that the exigencies of the situation may render it impossible for Great Britain to wait while the Overseas Dominions are quickening to a sense of their responsibilities in this respect. If they cannot see their way to contribute generously towards the Naval Defence Fund of the Empire, then the statesmen of the Homeland may conclude that the better way to stimulate their patriotism will be to let them provide their- own naval defence. After all this may prove to be the better policy for. Great Britain,"but it will certainly Tveaken the Empire feeling of sentiment which has during recent years been so assiduously cultivated by.'. many true-hearted, patriots; and such a change of policy will prove to be a grievous set-back to New Zealand, whose development of national life seems so indissolubly interwoven with the Homeland, for it will, of course, throw New Zealand into the arms of Australia.

Consideration of the question, then, seems to impel us to the conclusion that the force of circumstances is driving Great Britain to provide for her own safety at whatever cost. In saving herself she possibly may incidentally save the Overseas Dominions from attack, but as the huge bill of costs increases in its millions, will not the British taxpayer gradually come to look upon the ■ seas Dominions as a source of weakness rather than of strength?

In considering either alternative, the question lias surely attained momentous interest for New Zealand. It is of vital importance that she maintain close connection with the Homeland, from whence she must draw a population to fill her waste lands, and also the necessary financial and commercial support to continue I the development of her industries. The present i B , therefore, a time fraught with serious, import, a time calling for the serious consideration of statesmen and patriots; The German Navy League is reported to number some 1,300,000 members, and it , 8 obvious that this league is influencing the policy 0 f that country. What arc we doing. Mostly looking on, while %rZ^ T T^ m V! and wonien in Great Bntata and the Overseas Dominions are

striving by means of the Navy League, Victoria League, Overseas Club, and such other patriotic associations, to rouse the people to some understanding of what Imperial unity really means.